{
  "schema": "tga.work.v1",
  "identifier": "dresden:vol-9:wall-street-speech",
  "slug": "wall-street-speech",
  "title": "Wall Street Speech",
  "subtitle": "Sub-Treasury steps, Wall Street, New York.",
  "excerpt": "A political demonstration on Wall Street — bankers, brokers, and merchants gathered at the Sub-Treasury to hear Ingersoll speak from its steps.",
  "year": 1880,
  "volume": 9,
  "category": "Political",
  "author": {
    "name": "Robert G. Ingersoll",
    "wikidata": "Q360326",
    "viaf": "44331023"
  },
  "isPartOf": {
    "title": "The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll",
    "edition": "Dresden Edition",
    "publisher": "C. P. Farrell",
    "year": 1900
  },
  "license": "https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/",
  "url": "https://thegreatagnostic.com/works/wall-street-speech/",
  "wordCount": 5354,
  "body": "• A political demonstration was made in Wall Street\n    yesterday afternoon that stands without a rival among the\n    many out-door meetings in that place, which for years have\n    been memorable features of Presidential campaigns.\n    Bankers and brokers, members of the Produce Exchange, and\n    dry goods merchants assembled at their respective rendezvous\n    and marched in Imposing processions to the open space in\n    front of the Sub-Treasury building, from the steps of which\n    Col. Ingersoll delivered an address. Written words are\n    entirely inadequate to describe this demonstration of Wall\n    Street business men. It never was equaled in point of\n    numbers, respectability or enthusiasm, even during the\n    excitement caused by the outbreak of the Rebellion.\n    Throughout the day the business houses, banking offices and\n    public buildings down town were gay with flags and bunting.\n    Business was practically suspended all day, and the\n    principal topic of conversation on the Exchanges and m\n    offices and stores was the coming meeting. Long before the\n    hour set, well-dressed people began to gather near the Sub-\n    Treasury Building and by two o'clock Wall Street, from Broad\n    and Nassau half way down to William, was passable only with\n    difficulty. While the crowd was fast gathering on every\n    hand, Graiulla's band, stationed upon the corner buttress\n    near the Sub-Treasury, struck up a patriotic air, and in a\n    few minutes the throngs had swelled to such proportions that\n    the police had all they could do to maintain a thoroughfare.\n    A few minutes more ana the distant strains of another band\n    attracted all eyes toward Broadway, where the head of the\n    procession was seen turning into Wall Street. Ten abreast\n    and every man a gentleman, they marched by. At this time\n    Wall street from half way to William Street to half way to\n    Broadway, Nassau Street half way to Pine, and Broad Street\n    as far as the eye could reach, were densely packed with\n    people from side to side. Everything else, except the\n    telegraph-poles and the tops of the lamp-posts, was hidden\n    from view. Every window, roof, stoop, and projecting point\n    was covered. The Produce Exchange men finding Broad Street\n    impassable made a detour to the east and marched up Wall\n    Street, filling that thoroughfare to William. It was a\n    tremendous crowd In point of numbers, and its composition\n    was entirely of gentlemen—men with refined, intelligent\n    faces—bankers, brokers, merchants of all kinds—real\n    business men. Thousands of millions of dollars were\n    represented in It. On the left of the Sub-Treasury steps a\n    platform had been erected, with a sounding board covering\n    the rear and top. A national flag floated from its roof, and\n    its railing was draped with other flags. After the arrival\n    of the several organizations the banners they bore were hung\n    at the sides by way of further ornamentation. Mr. Jackson S.\n    Schultz then introduced Col. Ingersoll, the speaker of the\n    day. The cheering was terrific for several minutes. Raising\n    his hand for silence, Col. Ingersoll then delivered his\n    address.—New York Times, October 29th, 1880.\n\nN.y. City\n\n(Garfield Campaign.)\n\n1880.\n\nFELLOW-CITIZENS of the Great City of New York: This is the grandest\naudience I ever saw. This audience certifies that General James A.\nGarfield is to be the next President of the United States. This audience\ncertifies that a Republican is to be the next mayor of the city of\nNew York. This audience certifies that the business men of New York\nunderstand their interests, and that the business men of New York are\nnot going to let this country be controlled by the rebel South and the\nrebel North. In 1860 the Democratic party appealed to force; now it\nappeals to fraud. In 1860 the Democratic party appealed to the sword;\nnow it appeals to the pen. It was treason then, it is forgery now. The\nDemocratic party cannot be trusted with the property or with the honor\nof the people of the United States.\n\nThe city of New York owes a great debt to the country. Every man that\nhas cleared a farm has helped to build New York; every man that helped\nto build a railway helped to build up the palaces of this city. Where\nI am now speaking are the termini of all the railways in the United\nStates. They all come here. New York has been built up by the labor of\nthe country, and New York owes it to the country to protect the best\ninterests of the country.\n\nThe farmers of Illinois depend upon the merchants, the brokers and the\nbankers, upon the gentlemen of New York, to beat the rabble of New York.\nYou owe to yourselves; you owe to the great Re public; and this city\nthat does the business of a hemisphere—this city that will in ten years\nbe the financial centre of this world—owes it to itself, to be true to\nthe great principles that have allowed it to exist and flourish.\n\nThe Republicans of New York ought to say that this shall forever be a\nfree country. The Republicans of New York ought to say that free speech\nshall forever be held sacred in the United States. The Republicans of\nNew York ought to see that the party that defended the Nation shall\nstill remain in power. The Republicans of New York should see that\nthe flag is safely held by the hands that defended it in war. The\nRepublicans of New York know that the prosperity of the country depends\nupon good government, and they also know that good government\nmeans protection to the people—rich and poor, black and white. The\nRepublicans of New York know that a black friend is better than a white\nenemy. They know that a negro while fighting for the Government, is\nbetter than any white man who will fight against it.\n\nThe Republicans of New York know that the colored party in the South\nwhich allows every man to vote as he pleases, is better than any white\nman who is opposed to allowing a negro to cast his honest vote. A black\nman in favor of liberty is better than a white man in favor of slavery.\nThe Republicans of New York must be true to their friends. This\nGovernment means to protect all its citizens, at home and abroad, or it\nbecomes a byword in the mouths of the nations of the world.\n\nNow, what do we want to do? We are going to have an election next\nTuesday, and every Republican knows why he is going to vote the\nRepublican ticket; while every Democrat votes his without knowing why.\nA Republican is a Republican because he loves something; a Democrat is a\nDemocrat because he hates something. A Republican believes in progress;\na Democrat in retrogression. A Democrat is a \"has been.\" He is a \"used\nto be.\" The Republican party lives on hope; the Democratic on memory.\nThe Democrat keeps his back to the sun and imagines himself a great man\nbecause he casts a great shadow. Now, there are certain things we want\nto preserve—that the business men of New York want to preserve—and,\nin the first place, we want an honest ballot. And where the Democratic\nparty has power there never has been an honest ballot. You take the\nworst ward in this city, and there is where you will find the greatest\nDemocratic majority. You know it, and so do I.\n\nThere is not a university in the North, East or West that has not in it\na Republican majority. There is not a penitentiary in the United States\nthat has not in it a Democratic majority—and they know it. Two\nyears ago, about two hundred and eighty-three convicts were in\nthe penitentiary of Maine. Out of that whole number there was one\nRepublican, and only one. [A voice—\"Who was the man?\"] Well, I do\nnot know, but he broke out. He said that he did not mind being in the\npenitentiary, but the company was a little more than he could stand.\n\nYou cannot rely upon that party for an honest ballot. Every law that\nhas been passed in this country in the last twenty years, to throw\na safeguard around the ballot-box, has been passed by the Republican\nparty. Every law that has been defeated has been defeated by the\nDemocratic party. And you know it. Unless we have an honest ballot the\ndays of the Republic are numbered; and the only way to get an honest\nballot is to beat the Democratic party forever. And that is what we are\ngoing to do. That party can never carry its record; that party is loaded\ndown with the infamies of twenty years; yes, that party is loaded down\nwith the infamies of fifty years. It will never elect a President in\nthis world. I give notice to the Democratic party to-day that it will\nhave to change its name before the people of the United States will\nchange the administration. You will have to change your natures; you\nwill have to change your personnel, and you will have to get enough\nRepublicans to join you and tell you how to run a campaign. If you want\nan honest ballot—and every honest man does—then you will vote to keep\nthe Republican party in power. What else do you want? You want honest\nmoney, and I say to the merchants and to the bankers and to the brokers,\nthe only party that will give you honest money is the party that resumed\nspecie payments. The only party that will give you honest money is the\nparty that said a greenback is a broken promise until it is redeemed\nwith gold. You can only trust the party that has been honest in\ndisaster. From 1863 to 1879—sixteen long years—the Republican party\nwas the party of honor and principle, and the Republican party saved the\nhonor of the United States. And you know it.\n\nDuring that time the Democratic party did what it could to destroy our\ncredit at home and abroad.\n\nWe are not only in favor of free speech, and an honest ballot and honest\nmoney, but we are for law and order. What part of this country believes\nin free speech—the South or the North? The South would never give free\nspeech to the country; there was no free speech in the city of New York\nuntil the Republican party came into power. The Democratic party has\nnot intelligence enough to know that free speech is the germ of this\nRepublic. The Democratic party cares little for free speech because it\nhas no argument to make—no reasons to offer. Its entire argument is\nsummed up and ended in three words—\"Hurrah for Hancock!\" The Republican\nparty believes in free speech because it has something to say; because\nit believes in argument; because it believes in moral suasion; because\nit believes in education. Any man that does not believe in free speech\nis a barbarian. Any State that does not support it is not a civilized\nState.\n\nI have a right to express my opinion, in common with every other human\nbeing, and I am willing to give to every other human being the right\nthat I claim for myself. Republicanism means justice in politics.\nRepublicanism means progress in civilization. Republicanism means that\nevery man shall be an educated patriot and a gentleman. I want to say to\nyou to-day that it is an honor to belong to the Republican party. It\nis an honor to have belonged to it for twenty years; it is an honor to\nbelong to the party that elected Abraham Lincoln President. And let\nme say to you that Lincoln was the greatest, the best, the purest, the\nkindest man that has ever sat in the presidential chair. It is an honor\nto belong to the Republican party that gave four millions of men the\nrights of freemen; it is an honor to belong to the party that broke the\nshackles from four millions of men, women and children. It is an honor\nto belong to the party that declared that bloodhounds were not the\nmissionaries of civilization. It is an honor to belong to the party that\nsaid it was a crime to steal a babe from its mother's breast. It is an\nhonor to belong to the party that swore that this is a Nation forever,\none and indivisible. It is an honor to belong to the party that elected\nU. S. Grant President of the United States. It is an honor to belong to\nthe party that issued thousands and thousands of millions of dollars\nin promises—that issued promises until they became as thick as the\nwithered leaves of winter; an honor to belong to the party that issued\nthem to put down a rebellion; an honor to belong to the party that put\nit down; an honor to belong to the party that had the moral courage\nand honesty to make every one of the promises made in war, as good\nas shining, glittering gold in peace. And I tell you that if there is\nanother life, and if there is a day of judgment, all you need say upon\nthat solemn occasion is, \"I was in life and in my death a good square\nRepublican.\"\n\nI hate the doctrine of State Sovereignty because it fostered State\npride; because it fostered the idea that it is more to be a citizen of a\nState than a citizen of this glorious country. I love the whole country.\nI like New York because it is a part of the country, and I like the\ncountry because it has New York in it. I am not standing here to-day\nbecause the flag of New York floats over my head, but because that flag\nfor which more heroic blood has been shed than for any other flag that\nis kissed by the air of heaven, waves forever over my head. That is the\nreason I am here.\n\nThe doctrine of State Sovereignty was appealed to in defence of the\nslave-trade; the next time in defence of the slave trade as between the\nStates; the next time in defence of the Fugitive Slave Law; and if\nthere is a Democrat in favor of the Fugitive Slave Law he should be\nashamed—if not of himself—of the ignorance of the time in which he\nlived.\n\nThat Fugitive Slave Law was a compromise so that we might be friends of\nthe South. They said in 1850-52: \"If you catch the slave we will be your\nfriend;\" and they tell us now: \"If you let us trample upon the rights of\nthe black man in the South, we will be your friend.\" I do not want their\nfriendship upon such terms. I am a friend of my friend, and an enemy\nof my enemy. That is my doctrine. We might as well be honest about\nit. Under that doctrine of State Rights, such men as I see before\nme—bankers, brokers, merchants, gentlemen—were expected to turn\nthemselves into hounds and chase a poor fugitive that had been lured by\nthe love of liberty and guided by the glittering North Star.\n\nThe Democratic party wanted you to keep your trade with the South, no\nmatter to what depths of degradation you had to sink, and the Democratic\nparty to-day says if you want to sell your goods to the Southern people,\nyou must throw your honor and manhood into the streets. The patronage of\nthe splendid North is enough to support the city of New York.\n\nThere is another thing: Why is this city filled with palaces, covered\nwith wealth? Because American labor has been protected. I am in favor\nof protection to American labor, everywhere. I am in favor of protecting\nAmerican brain and muscle; I am in favor of giving scope to American\ningenuity and American skill. We want a market at home, and the only\nway to have it is to have mechanics at home; and the only way to have\nmechanics is to have protection; and the only way to have protection is\nto vote the Republican ticket. You, business men of New York, know that\nGeneral Garfield understands the best interests not only of New York,\nbut of the entire country. And you want to stand by the men who will\nstand by you. What does a simple soldier know about the wants of the\ncity of New York? What does he know about the wants of this great and\nsplendid country? If he does not know more about it than he knows about\nthe tariff he does not know much. I do not like to hit the dead. My\nhatred stops with the grave, and I tell you we are going to bury the\nDemocratic party next Tuesday. The pulse is feeble now, and if that\nparty proposes to take advantage of the last hour, it is time it should\ngo into the repenting business. Nothing pleases me better than to see\nthe condition of that party to-day. What do the Democrats know on the\nsubject of the tariff? They are frightened; they are rattled.\n\nThey swear their plank and platform meant nothing. They say in effect:\n\"When we put that in we lied; and now having made that confession we\nhope you will have perfect confidence in us from this out.\" Hancock says\nthat the object of the party is to get the tariff out of politics. That\nis the reason, I suppose, why they put that plank in the platform. I\npresume he regards the tariff as a little local issue, but I tell you\nto-day that the great question of protecting American labor never will\nbe taken out of politics. As long as men work, as long as the laboring\nman has a wife and family to support, just so long will he vote for the\nman that will protect his wages.\n\nAnd you can no more take it out of politics than you can take the\nquestion of Government out of politics. I do not want any question\ntaken out of politics. I want the people to settle these questions for\nthemselves, and the people of this country are capable of doing it. If\nyou do not believe it, read the returns from Ohio and Indiana. There\nare other persons who would take the question of office out of politics.\nWell, when we get the tariff and office both out of politics, then, I\npresume, we will see two parties on the same side. It will not do.\n\nDavid A. Wells has come to the rescue of the Democratic party on the\ntariff, and shed a few pathetic tears over scrap iron. But it will not\ndo. You cannot run this country on scraps.\n\nWe believe in the tariff because it gives skilled labor good pay.\nWe believe in the tariff because it allows the laboring man to have\nsomething to eat. We believe in the tariff because it keeps the hands\nof the producer close to the mouth of the devourer. We believe in the\ntariff because it developed American brain; because it builds up our\ntowns and cities; because it makes Americans self-supporting; because it\nmakes us an independent Nation. And we believe in the tariff because the\nDemocratic party does not.\n\nThat plank in the Democratic party was intended for a dagger to\nassassinate the prosperity of the North. The Northern people have become\naroused and that is the plank that is broken in the Democratic platform;\nand that plank was wide enough when it broke to let even Hancock\nthrough.\n\nGentlemen, they are gone. They are gone—honor bright. Look at the\ndesperate means that have been resorted to by the Democratic party,\ndriven to the madness of desperation. Not satisfied with having worn the\ntongue of slander to the very tonsils, not satisfied with attacking the\nprivate reputation of a splendid man, not satisfied with that, they\nhave appealed to a crime; a deliberate and infamous forgery has been\ncommitted. That forgery has been upheld by some of the leaders of\nthe Democratic party; that forgery has been defended by men calling\nthemselves respectable. Leaders of the Democratic party have stood by\nand said that they were acquainted with the handwriting of James A.\nGarfield; and that the handwriting in the forged letter was his, when\nthey knew that it was absolutely unlike his. They knew it, and no man\nhas certified that that was the writing of James A. Garfield who did not\nknow that in his throat of throats he told a falsehood.\n\nEvery honest man in the city of New York ought to leave such a party\nif he belongs to it. Every honest man ought to refuse to belong to the\nparty that did such an infamous crime.\n\nSenator Barnum, chairman of the Democratic Committee, has lost control.\nHe is gone, and I will tell you what he puts me in mind of. There was an\nold fellow used to come into town every Saturday and get drunk. He had a\nlittle yoke of oxen, and the boys out of pity used to throw him into the\nwagon and start the oxen for home. Just before he got home they had\nto go down a long hill, and the oxen, when they got to the brow of it,\ncommenced to run. Now and then the wagon struck a stone and gave the old\nfellow an awful jolt, and that would wake him up. After he had looked\nup and had one glance at the cattle he would fall helplessly back to\nthe bottom, and always say, \"Gee a little, if anything.\" And that is the\nonly order Barnum has been able to give for the last two weeks—\"Gee a\nlittle, if anything.\" I tell you now that forgery makes doubly sure the\nelection of James A. Garfield. The people of the North believe in honest\ndealing; the people of the North believe in free speech and an honest\nballot. The people of the North believe that this is a Nation; the\npeople of the North hate treason; the people of the North hate forgery;\nthe people of the North hate slander. The people of the North have made\nup their minds to give to General Garfield a vindication of which any\nAmerican may be forever proud.\n\nJames A. Garfield is to-day a poor man, and you know that there is not\nmoney enough in this magnificent street to buy the honor and manhood of\nJames A. Garfield. Money cannot make such a man, and I will swear to you\nthat money cannot buy him. James A. Garfield to-day wears the glorious\nrobe of honest poverty. He is a poor man; I like to say it here in Wall\nStreet; I like to say it surrounded by the millions of America; I like\nto say it in the midst of banks and bonds and stocks; I love to say it\nwhere gold is piled—that although a poor man, he is rich in honor; in\nintegrity he is wealthy, and in brain he is a millionaire. I know him,\nand I like him. So do you all, gentlemen. Garfield was a poor boy, he\nis a certificate of the splendid form of our Government. Most of these\nmagnificent buildings have been built by poor boys; most of the success\nof New York began almost in poverty. You know it. The kings of this\nstreet were once poor, and they may be poor again; and if they are fools\nenough to vote for Hancock they ought to be. Garfield is a certificate\nof the splendor of our Government, that says to every poor boy, \"All the\navenues of honor are open to you.\" I know him, and I like him. He is a\nscholar; he is a statesman; he is a soldier; he is a patriot; and above\nall, he is a magnificent man; and if every man in New York knew him as\nwell as I do, Garfield would not lose a hundred votes in this city.\n\nCompare him with Hancock, and then compare General Arthur with William\nH. English. If there ever was a pure Republican in this world, General\nArthur is one.\n\nYou know in Wall Street, there are some men always prophesying disaster,\nthere are some men always selling \"short.\" That is what the Democratic\nparty is doing to-day. You know as well as I do that if the Democratic\nparty succeeds, every kind of property in the United States will\ndepreciate. You know it. There is not a man on the street, who if he\nknew Hancock was to be elected would not sell the stocks and bonds of\nevery railroad in the United States \"short.\" I dare any broker here to\ndeny it. There is not a man in Wall or Broad Street, or in New York,\nbut what knows the election of Hancock will depreciate every share\nof railroad stock, every railroad bond, every Government bond, in the\nUnited States of America. And if you know that, I say it is a crime to\nvote for Hancock and English.\n\nI belong to the party that is prosperous when the country is prosperous.\nI belong to the party that believes in good crops; that is glad when a\nfellow finds a gold mine; that rejoices when there are forty bushels of\nwheat to the acre; that laughs when every railroad declares dividends,\nthat claps both its hands when every investment pays; when the rain\nfalls for the farmer, when the dew lies lovingly on the grass. I belong\nto the party that is happy when the people are happy; when the laboring\nman gets three dollars a day; when he has roast beef on his table; when\nhe has a carpet on the floor; when he has a picture of Garfield on the\nwall. I belong to the party that is happy when everybody smiles, when\nwe have plenty of money, good horses, good carriages; when our wives\nare happy and our children feel glad. I belong to the party whose banner\nfloats side by side with the great flag of the country; that does not\ngrow fat on defeat.\n\nThe Democratic party is a party of famine; it is a good friend of an\nearly frost, it believes in the Colorado beetle and the weevil. When the\ncrops are bad the Democratic mouth opens from ear to ear with smiles of\njoy; it is in partnership with bad luck; a friend of empty pockets; rags\nhelp it. I am on the other side. The Democratic party is the party of\ndarkness. I believe in the party of sunshine; and in the party that even\nin darkness believes that the stars are shining and waiting for us.\n\nNow, gentlemen, I have endeavored to give you a few reasons for voting\nthe Republican ticket; and I have given enough to satisfy any reasonable\nman. And you know it. Do not go with the Democratic party, young man.\nYou have a character to make.\n\nYou cannot make it, as the Democratic party does, by passing a\nresolution.\n\nIf your father voted the Democratic ticket, that is disgrace enough for\none family. Tell the old man you can stand it no longer. Tell the old\ngentleman that you have made up your mind to stand with the party of\nhuman progress; and if he asks you why you cannot vote the Democratic\nticket you tell him: \"Every man that tried to destroy the Government,\nevery man that shot at the holy flag in heaven, every man that starved\nour soldiers, every keeper of Libby, Andersonville and Salisbury, every\nman that wanted to burn the negro, every one that wanted to scatter\nyellow fever in the North, every man that opposed human liberty, that\nregarded the auction-block as an altar and the howling of the bloodhound\nas the music of the Union, every man who wept over the corpse of\nslavery, that thought lashes on the naked back were a legal tender for\nlabor performed, every one willing to rob a mother of her child—every\nsolitary one was a Democrat.\"\n\nTell him you cannot stand that party. Tell him you have to go with the\nRepublican party, and if he asks you why, tell him it destroyed slavery,\nit preserved the Union, it paid the national debt; it made our credit as\ngood as that of any nation on the earth.\n\nTell him it makes every dollar in a four per cent, bond worth a\ndollar and ten cents; that it satisfies the demands of the highest\ncivilization. Tell the old man that the Republican party preserved the\nhonor of the Nation; that it believes in education; that it looks upon\nthe schoolhouse as a cathedral. Tell him that the Republican party\nbelieves in absolute intellectual liberty; in absolute religious\nfreedom; in human rights, and that human rights rise above States.\nTell him that the Republican party believes in humanity, justice, human\nequality, and that the Republican party believes this is a Nation and\nwill be forever and ever; that an honest ballot is the breath of the\nRepublic's life; that honest money is the blood of the Republic;\nand that nationality is the great throbbing beat of the heart of the\nRepublic. Tell him that. And tell him that you are going to stand by\nthe flag that the patriots of the North carried upon the battle-field of\ndeath. Tell him you are going to be true to the martyred dead; that you\nare going to vote exactly as Lincoln would have voted were he living.\nTell him that if every traitor dead were living now, there would issue\nfrom his lips of dust, \"Hurrah for Hancock!\" that could every patriot\nrise, he would cry for Garfield and liberty; for union and for human\nprogress everywhere. Tell him that the South seeks to secure by the\nballot what it lost by the bayonet; to whip by the ballot those who\nfought it in the field. But we saved the country; and we have the heart\nand brains to take care of it. I will tell you what we are going to do.\nWe are going to treat them in the South just as well as we treat the\npeople in the North. Victors cannot afford to have malice. The North is\ntoo magnanimous to have hatred. We will treat the South precisely as we\ntreat the North. There are thousands of good people there. Let us give\nthem money to improve their rivers and harbors; I want to see the sails\nof their commerce filled with the breezes of prosperity; their fences\nrebuilt; their houses painted. I want to see their towns prosperous; I\nwant to see schoolhouses in every town; I want to see books in the hands\nof every child, and papers and magazines in every house; I want to see\nall the rays of light, of civilization of the nineteenth century, enter\nevery home of the South; and in a little while you will see that country\nfull of good Republicans. We can afford to be kind; we cannot afford to\nbe unkind.\n\nI will shake hands cordially with every believer in human liberty; I\nwill shake hands with every believer in Nationality; I will shake hands\nwith every man who is the friend of the human race. That is my doctrine.\nI believe in the great Republic; in this magnificent country of ours.\nI believe in the great people of the United States. I believe in the\nmuscle and brain of America, in the prairies and forests. I believe in\nNew York. I believe in the brains of your city. I believe that you\nknow enough to vote the Republican ticket. I believe that you are grand\nenough to stand by the country that has stood by you. But whatever\nyou do, I never shall cease to thank you for the great honor you have\nconferred upon me this day.\n    Note.—This being a newspaper report it is necessarily\n    incomplete.\n"
}